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South Carolina’s elevation to first place in the Democratic presidential nominating calendar picked up more public backing this week from a slew of former 2020 Democratic presidential campaign staffers who worked in the state.

Fourteen former South Carolina state directors for 2020 Democratic presidential primary candidates signed a letter, obtained first by POLITICO, affirming their support for South Carolina to make the jump into first place — arguing that the move elevates Black voters who are the “backbone of our party.”

Notably, Jessica Bright, who led Bernie Sanders’ effort in South Carolina, also signed onto the letter, even though some former Sanders aides have vocally opposed the new line up, including his former campaign manager.

“This long overdue update to the primary calendar elevates the diverse voices of our party that have too often been overlooked – especially Black voters – and allows for campaigns of all sizes to build momentum and compete for the nomination,” the letter reads. “But it’s not just Black voters who are contributing to the richness of South Carolina’s electorate. South Carolina is also home to other key parts of the Democratic Party’s winning coalition of voters:growing Hispanic and AAPI populations and dozens of majority-rural counties.”

The letter kicks off the final round of public and private lobbying ahead of a February Democratic National Committee vote to reorder the party’s presidential nominating calendar. Last month, the DNC moved forward with a proposal to dramatically reorder the slate of states that get to vote during the early nominating window. The plan, recommended by President Joe Biden, removed Iowa from its longtime position as the first state. It made the South Carolina primary first and placed New Hampshire and Nevada on the same day next in line. The proposal would also see Georgia and Michigan added to the early window.

The former South Carolina state directors also argued that picking South Carolina to go first will force presidential campaign staffs to further diversify who they hire, making “our party’s talent pipeline better reflect that diversity.” They also emphasized the state’s small geographic size and less expensive media markets, ensuring that “money alone won’t decide the primary.”

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Like most of you, I was alternately entertained and horrified by the shambolic display of Republican chaos at the opening of Congress. Entertained because it’s a treat to see pomp and circumstance enter the arena with its collective pants around its ankles; horrified by the prospect of this chaos bringing down the world’s financial structure this fall when the debt ceiling comes up for a vote.

But I saw something else: another example of how in Washington a minority — sometimes a very small one — can frustrate the will of a majority. Even if we understand that our system was purposely designed with anti-majoritarian rules and principles, it’s remarkable how often the few can overwhelm the many, to disastrous effect.

The House of Representatives is supposed to be the place where the majority rules by majority vote, where the power of a state is roughly equivalent to its population. It’s supposed to be a contrast to the Senate, which is laden with protection against the unruly mob. That’s where a minority can filibuster a bill to death, where a single member can put a “hold” on an appointment, where the body gives equal votes to the least and most populous of states. That’s where even a party with 58 or 59 votes can find its legislative hopes dashed by the need for 60 on virtually every bill.

So what happened Tuesday in “the people’s house?”

Members who constitute less than 5 percent of the chamber, and less than 10 percent of the Republican caucus, brought the House to a standstill.

Kevin McCarthy, who is increasingly coming to resemble Charlie Brown on the pitcher’s mound, managed to win 85 percent of the House GOP vote last November. That’s a pretty impressive demonstration of the conference’s sentiment. But because the GOP majority in the House is so thin, only five defectors out of 222 were needed to throw a cloud over McCarthy’s selection as speaker. Conservative hard-liners then made a series of demands — which McCarthy was largely inclined to meet — that would cede even more power to an ever-smaller cohort. (One of those demands would have given a single member the power to call a vote for the removal of the speaker — the very power that helped drive previous speakers into retirement.)

Did it matter that the great majority of House Republicans did not embrace these demands? Did it matter that the overwhelming majority of them wanted to hand McCarthy the speaker’s gavel? No. With the determination of a hostage-taker, this little band of willful men and women managed to leverage their 5 percent of the vote into at least temporarily paralyzing Congress.

Well, maybe this is not all that surprising. One of the striking aspects of our current politics is the growing disdain of some in the Republican universe for the whole idea that majorities get to govern.

For instance, you might think that Republicans are concerned about their inability to win the presidential popular vote. Once upon a time, they won it more often than they lost; from 1952-1988, the GOP won it seven out of ten times. Since then, they have won it once, and lost it seven times. True, that is not how presidents are elected, but rather than trying to broaden their share of the vote, Republicans prefer to talk about “voter integrity,” and raise questions about those voters in Atlanta, Philadelphia, Detroit. One top Wisconsin GOPer even said that if you don’t count Milwaukee or Madison, Republicans would win every statewide contest. Behind these “voter integrity” proposals is the unspoken conviction that “the wrong people” are voting.

Among some thinkers on the right, there is substantial support for the idea of an “independent state legislature,” with power to draw the lines, set the rules (and perhaps even cast the vote) for elections, that cannot be challenged by courts, or even voters who want independent redistricting commissions. It’s a notion that may be too much even for the aggressive conservative super-majority on the Supreme Court, though it’s too early to tell exactly how the court will rule on the issue.

We don’t know yet whether the current smash up in the House will cause an aggrieved majority of House Republicans to finally say “enough” to the rebels, who are surely eager to cause more mayhem after this episode. Could they be denied committee assignments? Is it possible that a different minority — the ever-shrinking band of genuinely moderate Republicans — will join the Democrats to elect a speaker of their own? (It’s unlikely, of course, and the lesson of what happened to pro-impeachment House Republicans does not suggest a happy ending for this tactic).

What we do know is that we are being taught another lesson in just how fragile majorities — and our very system of governance — can be, especially if they are challenged by a minority shrewd enough and committed enough to attack their vulnerabilities.

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Ukraine is doing something no one thought possible: defeating the Russian army and, in doing so, crippling one of America’s most dangerous adversaries. This is primarily a credit to the fortitude, patriotism, and skill of the Ukrainian people. But it’s also something Americans can take pride in — and not just because of our decisive role supplying weaponry and training.

For decades, Washington has invested in supporting the institutions that enabled Ukraine to take a different path than Russia, a path toward democracy and independence and away from autocracy and subservience, and to tackle corruption to serve citizens instead of fostering kleptocracy to steal from them. As President Volodymyr Zelenskyy put it in his historic address to a joint meeting of Congress, U.S. support for Ukraine “… is not charity, it’s investment in global security and democracy.”

When Ukraine set about forging its democracy after breaking free from the Soviet empire in 1991, it faced an uphill battle. Nearly 70 years under communism had left Ukraine with weak institutions ill-equipped to manage the transition to the free market. Ukrainians were unfamiliar with democratic processes and norms. As in other former Soviet republics, the mismanaged privatization of state-owned enterprises created an oligarch class that left Ukraine’s government vulnerable to corruption and manipulation by the Kremlin.

Extraordinarily, Ukrainians have had three peaceful revolutions to push its course towards freedom — the break from Soviet control in 1991, the 2004 Orange Revolution ushering in pro-Western leadership and the 2014 Revolution of Dignity that deposed a Kremlin-backed president in favor of a pro-European future. This ushered in a new phase of reforms to strengthen the parliament, foster an independent judiciary, advance electoral integrity, decentralize decision-making and combat corruption.

Because of these efforts, Ukraine now has strong governing institutions — so strong that they have continued to function under the onslaught of Russia’s attack in the biggest war in Europe since the 1940s.

The Ukrainian people have created an independent democratic alternative to the vassal state Putin seeks — one that is worth fighting for. It is an outcome American tax dollars made possible by supporting programs to build democratic institutions from the ground up, beginning in the early days of independence and continuing today. With strong bipartisan support, nonprofits like the International Republican Institute and the National Democratic Institute have worked with partners in Ukraine to establish and strengthen core elements of democracy — including transparent electoral processes, a vibrant multiparty system, devolution of power and rule of law.

As we enter the 10th month of Russia’s brutal invasion, with a new U.S. Congress taking office, some elected officials — Republicans and Democrats — have questioned whether the aid America is providing, from weapons to reconstruction support to democracy assistance, is really in our national interest.

The strategic case for supporting Ukraine is sound: Ukrainians are fighting an American great-power adversary to defend the free world from the kind of wanton aggression that would destroy the U.S.-led order NATO exists to defend.

The resilience shown by Ukraine’s democratic institutions in the face of existential threat demonstrates not only the wisdom of America’s investment, but the reliability of Ukraine’s stewardship of U.S. assistance. It’s also a rejoinder to autocratic adversaries like Russia and China that peddle the fiction that some countries or cultures simply aren’t suited to democracy.

America must not squander the remarkable strategic dividends that U.S. taxpayers’ investment in Ukraine has yielded. In addition to providing military and reconstruction assistance, our long-term strategy for Ukraine must incorporate robust support for Ukraine’s democratic development so that the country doesn’t just survive this war but becomes even stronger as a bulwark of trans-Atlantic security — the blue and yellow shield standing between the free world and Putin’s predatory autocracy.

Polling shows that Ukrainians identify tackling corruption alongside restoring Ukraine’s territorial integrity as their top concerns. Continued anti-corruption reform is crucial to Ukraine’s future prosperity and political integrity.

Supporting the Ukrainian people in their determination to eradicate graft should be a top priority for future assistance. Additionally, the ongoing process of decentralization is key to creating responsive government at all levels. Reconstruction funds should flow down to mayors, governors, and civil society, not just to the central government. Continuing to equip political parties and legislators with the skills they need to govern a post-war nation as it rebuilds will be crucial.

In his historic speech to the British Parliament 40 years ago, President Ronald Reagan observed that “Democracy is not a fragile flower; still, it needs cultivating.” Without continued nurturing, Ukraine’s gains — and by extension, America’s — are at risk.

The socioeconomic consequences of the war will challenge Ukraine’s institutions, even though they have proven robust throughout the conflict. To ensure transparency and accountability in post-war reconstruction, Washington must help the government keep its foot on the gas with critical anti-corruption reforms and strengthening the rule of law.

The worst possible outcome for Vladimir Putin would be for Ukraine not only to emerge victorious, but even more resolutely committed to pursuing a democratic, pro-Western future. If that happens, the return on America’s investment in Ukraine’s democracy would be incalculable.

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A Gen Z Florida Republican. A Virginia OB/GYN opposed to abortion. An Arizona progressive who defeated a Trump-aligned Republican.

These state lawmakers are among thousands of Republicans, Democrats and independents gearing up for an energetic and contentious set of legislative sessions that start kicking off in dozens of capitals this month.

Fueled by issues like reproductive rights and gun safety, and many facing questions about how to spend massive budget surpluses amid talk of recession, statehouse leaders in the coming months plan to make decisions that could shape the course of the nation as much as anything coming out of Washington.

Following this mix of rising stars and veteran legislators in Austin, Texas, Lansing, Mich., Harrisburg, Penn., and other capitals is key to understanding the issues that will frame the lives of millions of Americans — and feed a burgeoning 2024 campaign cycle.

Intense debates are also teed up over taxes, spending, labor and much more. These are the state lawmakers to watch.

Pennsylvania

Rep. Joanna McClinton

The Pennsylvania House has been caught up in major drama since the midterms with both parties claiming to hold power over the lower chamber due to surprise post-election twists, including a lawmaker’s death. Weeks of intense intraparty negotiating gave way to some clarity this week when the House named a new speaker after Democrats flipped the chamber in November.

Until this week, Democratic leader Joanna McClinton claimed the speakership, becoming the first woman and first Black woman to hold the role. On Tuesday, however, she stepped aside and gave her support to moderate Democratic Rep. Mark Rozzi, who said he will act as an independent and won’t caucus with either party.

Still, McClinton will continue to wield considerable power within her party as Democrats solidified their statewide standing in the midterms with the elections of Gov.-elect Josh Shapiro and Sen. John Fetterman. And McClinton could make another play for the speakership later this session if Democrats win a handful of special elections that would reestablish their majority.

McClinton said she is focused on expanding health care coverage, affirming abortion rights, ending wage theft and rewriting laws related to the criminal justice system — work that’s influenced by her career as a public defender.

“I’ve got a real passion for pursuing justice, standing up and advocating for folks in a system that is far too crowded,” she said in an interview.

Sen. Kim Ward

Sen. Kim Ward, the top Republican in the Senate, last session became the first woman to be named majority leader.

During her tenure in the Senate, now in her fourth term, she led efforts to implement a work authorization system for employment, and backed expanding protections against child abuse. She also spearheaded legislation mandating statewide Covid-19 disease reporting and limiting the governor’s ability to extend state emergency declarations in pandemics.

Ward, in an interview, said she wants to work with Democrats on issues that will benefit Pennsylvania, not on “ideological issues that are never going to go anywhere.”

West Virginia

Del. Moore Capito

Republican Del. Moore Capito is the next generation of a West Virginia political dynasty — and a test for how much weight the name still carries.

Shortly after winning his fourth term in the state House last fall, he announced a gubernatorial bid. Capito is the son of Sen. Shelly Moore Capito and grandson of former Gov. Arch Moore. His cousin, state Treasurer Riley Moore, is running for Congress in 2024.

“We are going to need somebody with the grit and the experience to be able to take West Virginia to the next level,” Capito said in an interview. Republican Gov. Jim Justice, a former Democrat, is term-limited and thought to be considering a run for the Senate.

Serving as chair of the West Virginia Republican Legislative Committee, Capito deployed a successful candidate recruitment strategy for the 2020 elections that resulted in Republicans picking up 18 seats in the state House, winning a supermajority for the first time.

Capito said his focus in the statehouse since he was elected in 2016 has been on how to attract young people to West Virginia and transform the state into a technology and entrepreneurial hub. He backed the creation of a fintech “sandbox” in 2020 that aims to incentivize tech companies to test products and services within the state by temporarily lifting business regulations. He hopes to expand that into the energy sector this year.

Texas

Rep. Dade Phelan

Following one of the most conservative legislative sessions in recent history, Dade Phelan, the Texas speaker, remains well-positioned to decide how hot the deep-red lower chamber will get this year. In 2021, Phelan, a Republican, oversaw sweeping changes to the state’s abortion and elections laws before they rippled across the country during Texas’ legislative break last year.

Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick has a strong hand in influencing members in the state Senate and setting a multi-item agenda in the chamber this year, and he has also aired frustrations about Phelan and Republican Gov. Greg Abbott since last session. Although Phelan has mentioned taxes and education issues in recent months, he has not yet made an official announcement about his legislative priorities or anything that might shed light on potential conflicts with Patrick.

But Phelan knows how to shepherd contentious legislation. Despite outcries from state Democrats, nearly every GOP priority passed last session — leading the minority party to flee the state for D.C. in a dramatic attempt to halt a special session called to cement new elections laws they considered too restrictive. Abbott threatened to arrest the lawmakers upon their return to Austin, and Phelan himself signed the warrants while also worrying that detaining lawmakers might cause “un-repairable harm” to his chamber.

Iowa

Rep. Pat Grassley

Iowa Speaker Pat Grassley has a famous last name — and it’s long been speculated that he plans to run for his grandfather’s Senate seat when it opens up.

But it may be awhile before the younger Grassley takes on federal politics: Sen. Chuck Grassley, 89, was reelected in November to his eighth term and Pat Grassley has dismissed the notion that he’s been preordained as his grandfather’s successor as a “conspiracy theory.”

Instead, Grassley has focused on solidifying his influence within the state Legislature during his 15 years serving in the Iowa House. Senate Republicans earned a supermajority in November, one of the GOP’s biggest wins in the midterms, and the party is expected to use its boosted statewide influence to enact conservative policies.

Iowa could set an example on school choice — it’s a top priority for Gov. Kim Reynolds, who has tried for years to get legislation approved in the House. Grassley is setting up the infrastructure for her to potentially succeed with the creation of a new education committee this session that will consider changes to the K-12 system.

Virginia

Sen. Siobhan Dunnavant

One of the most interesting — and fraught — fights over Republican ambitions to restrict abortion access is likely to play out in Virginia. Abortion is legal in the state throughout the first and second trimesters, but Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin is seeking to largely ban the procedure after 15 weeks of pregnancy. Sen. Siobhan Dunnavant is among the four Republicans he’s asked to draft the legislation — an OB/GYN, and the only medical professional in the group.

Republicans took control of the state House in 2021 with a five-seat majority as Youngkin won the governorship. Democrats hold control of the Senate by just one seat. Those narrow margins — and the state’s purple politics — make passing abortion restrictions tricky.

Dunnavant, who represents a competitive district in the Richmond suburbs, has built a voting record since 2016 opposing abortion. She has also expressed support for a Texas law that banned abortions at 20 weeks with exceptions only for the life of the patient or severe fetal anomalies but not for rape or incest.

Florida

Rep. Juan Porras

Republican Rep. Juan Porras will be the youngest member of the Florida House at 25 years old. His election helps mark a new era for Miami-area politics, which has steadily grown redder since Donald Trump’s election in 2016 (Porras’ district includes an unincorporated strip of Miami-Dade County).

“We’re seeing a huge shift, especially here in south Florida,” Porras said in an interview. “A lot of the Hispanic communities and younger communities are leaning more toward conservative ideas and voting Republican.”

In the midterms, Gov. Ron DeSantis became the first GOP gubernatorial candidate to win the county in two decades, carrying downballot Republicans with him to victory.

Porras defeated Democrat Gabriel Gonzalez, a fellow Gen Z candidate.

He has said the statehouse — where he worked as an intern — should bring more accountability to homeowners association fraud, a major issue in his district, which contains sprawling condo complexes with thousands of units. He’s also a supporter of school choice, an issue he’ll work on as a member of the education committee.

Georgia

Sen. Jason Anavitarte

Georgia Sen. Jason Anavitarte helped found the state’s first Hispanic legislative caucus last year with a GOP state representative, a move meant to reflect the rapid growth of Georgia’s Latino populations. There are a record six Hispanic members in the General Assembly this year.

“My Republican colleagues and I aim not only to deliver strong representation to one of our state’s most important communities — but to send a clear message that Hispanic values will be at the front and center of conversations under the Gold Dome for years to come,” Anavitarte said.

Anavitarte got attention in December for drafting legislation to ban the TikTok app in Georgia, a proposal other states tried last year. It mirrors the U.S. Senate-approved measure that would ban the app on government-issued devices over security concerns about it and its Chinese-owned parent company ByteDance, though it is unclear how the House will vote on the issue.

Last cycle, the Polk County state senator pushed for a “constitutional carry” bill, one of Republican Gov. Brian Kemp’s priorities, that would allow residents to carry guns without a license in most public spaces.

Michigan

Sen. Winnie Brinks

Michigan is at the epicenter of Democratic politics after the party flipped both chambers of the state Legislature last fall and maintained control of the governorship. Now, Democrats face tremendous pressure to take full advantage of their trifecta by enacting a slate of progressive priorities. They just have to agree on where to begin.

Enter incoming Senate Majority Leader Winnie Brinks, the first woman to take on the role. Brinks will be working with Rep. Joe Tate, the first Black speaker of the Michigan House, to set that agenda. But the requests from lawmakers, voters and progressive advocates for what gets priority treatment are long.

“We’re ready for this,” Brinks said in an interview. She cited affirming abortion rights — which Michigan voters came out in droves to protect via ballot measure in the wake of Roe v. Wade’s fall last year — as an early order of business. She also wants to change tax policies she says burden working families, like restoring the earned income tax credit and repealing the retirement tax.

Brinks faces the challenge of keeping the peace between the progressive wing of the caucus — which is eager to repeal right-to-work rules and pursue other pro-labor actions — and moderates urging caution and bipartisanship. Brinks herself said Democrats must be “thoughtful about how we attack our agenda.”

She added: “At the end of the day I’m happy to have the challenges of the majority instead of the challenges of the minority.”

Illinois

Rep. Margaret Croke

During her first term in office, Illinois state Rep. Margaret Croke quickly became a voice for the next generation of Democratic leadership. She’s introduced bills that have been signed into law, including one that expands the definition of infertility in Illinois to include same-sex couples, single women, and others looking to start or grow a family.

Croke pushed for the measure after getting a phone call from a constituent — a pediatrician who is gay and who pointed out financial burdens on families like his when insurance isn’t an option.

“I love how that bill came up organically from a constituent,” she said in an interview. It’s not the first bill that she’s taken on with a resident in mind. Croke is actively working on cyber-bullying legislation with the family of a boy who died by suicide after being bullied online.

“I love constituent services. It started with property taxes and helping people get cash back when they needed it. It made me so happy,” Croke said, referring to her work with a Cook County commissioner.

The Illinois Democrat also helped champion a law making Illinois the first state in the nation to require EMTs to be trained to diagnose Alzheimer’s and dementia. And a version of a bill she pushed last year is part of high-profile 2023 legislation that would allow Illinois residents to take civil action against gun manufacturers, importers and dealers whose firearms are responsible for injury or death in Illinois.

Arizona

Rep. Lorena Austin

Rep.-elect Lorena Austin won one of the most closely watched legislative races in the country in a newly-drawn district in Mesa, helping Democrats encroach upon the Republican majority in the state Legislature. She campaigned alongside Seth Blattman and the pair defeated two Republicans: Mary Ann Mendoza, a vocal opponent of illegal immigration and a Trump ally, and Kathy Pearce.

Austin is a descendant of Mexican immigrants and identifies as LGBTQ.

“People are not looking for what we traditionally view politicians to be,” Austin said in an interview. “They’re looking for authentic people who are doing things in the community — who are accessible, who are visible and who they can come to.”

Austin, who works as a community college adviser, wants to improve public education in Arizona, which consistently ranks at the bottom in the nation. She also wants to address the rising cost of housing, which she says is a “resounding” issue in her district and throughout the state.

Minnesota

Sen. Kari Dziedzic

Minnesota Democrats are entering 2023 with a trifecta after the party flipped the Senate in last year’s midterms, opening up another huge political opportunity for Democrats in the Midwest for the first time in nearly a decade.

Senate Majority Leader Kari Dziedzic will have to navigate the Democratic-Farmer-Labor’s slim one-seat majority in the chamber. She has a reputation as a cautious leader who touts working with Republicans. And in an early preview of the DFL agenda, Dziedzdic said there will be a focus on kids’ mental health and education, climate change and economic security.

The state is sitting on a giant $17.6 billion surplus Democrats are eager to use for long-sought progressive causes. Democratic Gov. Tim Walz has cited achieving education and family policies as a top goal, potentially by offering child care subsidies to help families pay for the rising cost of daycare.

Marissa Martinez and Shia Kapos contributed to this report.

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For a reeling Republican Party, the contrast on Tuesday was impossible to miss.

On one side of the Capitol, GOP senators congratulated Mitch McConnell for officially becoming the longest-serving party leader in Senate history. At that exact moment on the other side of the building, Republicans voted down Kevin McCarthy’s bid for the House gavel — the first initial ballot defeat in a speaker’s race in 100 years.

It’s an ominous start to the new year for a GOP trying to rebuild. After another disappointing election cycle, they have significant challenges ahead: A tight majority in the House, another two years in the Senate minority and big divisions over just about everything, from former President Donald Trump to legislative strategy.

It’s fair to say that many Republicans were hoping for a smoother opening day. Instead the House adjourned Monday without picking a speaker.

“The unsteadiness I see over there [in the House] concerns me. We get the majority, and then we start a circular firing squad,” said Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.), a member of Republican leadership. “Sen. McConnell has his detractors, for sure. But he’s a strong, steady leader that cares about his members. And that’s what you need.”

“I just hope they can overcome the dysfunction,” she added of her former House colleagues. “And also, I’m very glad I’m not back in the House.”

Even as McConnell celebrates surpassing Mike Mansfield’s mark of 16 years as party leader, the Kentuckian has his own problems. He’ll be presiding over a 49-seat minority and faced his first contested leadership race two months ago as he dispatched a challenge from Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.). McConnell won that race handily, but it was a reminder of the unrest in a party that blew several winnable Senate and governor races in 2022.

And despite the Republicans winning the House majority, albeit barely, the dynamic in that chamber proved much less stable than its Senate counterpart as it labored to elect a speaker Tuesday. And while legislating will slow with a split Congress, the Senate and House Republican factions will eventually have to work together, at least to keep the government lights on and raise the debt limit.

First the House bedlam must play out.

“My assumption is that, in the end, they’ll get organized over there. Because everybody will, at some point, realize that chaos is not a good alternative in terms of starting the Congress,” said Senate Minority Whip John Thune (R-S.D.). “It’s clearly not a smooth transition.”

Former Speaker Nancy Pelosi and former Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) both faced opposition in their final campaigns to lead the Democrats but ultimately came out on top. Current Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer and incoming House Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) faced no opposition in their recent leadership campaigns after the party overperformed in the midterm elections.

Both GOP leaders, by contrast, faced internal fights after the party underwhelmed in a midterm election with a Democratic president. Not to mention previous dramas, including the exits of former Speakers Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) and John Boehner (R-Ohio).

“Democrats didn’t all apparently love Pelosi,” said Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.), another former House member. “Republicans are pretty independent. I think it’ll be noisy for a couple of days and then they’ll figure it out and we’ll get moving as a country.”

Still, he conceded the congressional disorder is “good drama” but ultimately “the decision has to be made” on a new speaker. And there are bigger concerns waiting just around the corner.

The toughest deadline awaiting Republicans is the debt ceiling, an episode that routinely divides the GOP and can disrupt the economy — or worse. Ultimately, the GOP House will have to pass a bill raising the debt limit, likely sometime this year, and at least nine Republicans will have to break a filibuster for it to clear the Senate. A similar dynamic will unfold this fall on government funding.

Beyond that, House Republicans will face pressure to pass conservative legislation — with just a handful of votes to spare — and, in turn, push the Democratic Senate to consider it.

“McCarthy’s election to speaker may be the easiest thing he does all year. Then trying to legislate in the majority, obviously that’s going to be very hard,” said Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas). “Especially if you have people who are not particularly interested in generating a legislative result and who are more interested in attracting attention to themselves.”

McConnell made clear on Tuesday he was still backing McCarthy and said in an interview he is “pulling for him,” leaving no room for doubt despite the disparate positions of the two Republican leaders. Several GOP senators expressed confidence that, eventually, McCarthy would prevail.

Still, there was an unmistakable feeling among Senate Republicans that even from the minority, tight margins in the fractious House may force them to play a leadership role for the GOP in the next two years.

“My great hope is that they’re going to pull together. It’s really important that they learn how to govern. And we will absolutely do our best here in the Senate to provide leadership as well,” said Sen. Joni Ernst (R-Iowa), another member of GOP leadership. “I think people can look at the steadying influence in the Senate and still understand that while we have our differences, that we still can find a path forward.”

Ernst opposed December’s $1.7 trillion government spending bill, which split Senate Republican leaders and animated McCarthy’s campaign for speaker. The Californian repeatedly slammed the legislation as he campaigned for the House gavel, even visiting with GOP senators in December to make his case. Ultimately just nine House Republicans voted for it, a sign that the House and Senate GOP are misaligned not just on political strategy, but also on must-pass legislation.

McCarthy wanted a short-term spending bill to give him and his party more leverage in the new Congress, but Senate Republicans cut a deal instead with Senate Democrats to fund the government through September. Several GOP senators openly worried that House Republicans might not be sufficiently organized to fund the government early this year, given the then-developing speaker brouhaha.

Tuesday was even worse than they could have imagined. Given that chaos, Capito concluded that taking away a potential February shutdown fight “is going to end up being a very smart move.”

Marianne LeVine contributed to this report.

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